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Abstract
Atlanta is a relatively large market for goat meat.
As in most metropolitan areas around the U.S.,
goat-meat consumption has grown steadily in Atlanta
over the past decade (Northwest Cooperative
Development Center 2005; Nettles and Bukenya
2004). This growth is attributed to the influx of
immigrants from goat-meat-eating countries into
the U.S. over the same period (Gipson 1999). The
increase in demand for goat meat has made the U.S.
a net importer of competitively priced goat meat
from Australia and New Zealand into major U.S
cities such as Atlanta (USDA-FAS 2006). The fact
that goat-meat imports from Australia have steadily
increased over the years makes markets such as Atlanta
of particular interest to both Georgia goat-meat
suppliers and meat-goat producers. The goat-meat
market, however, is highly segmented (Nelson et al.
2004; Mclean-Meyinsse 2003). Recognition of the
diversity among Atlanta goat-meat consumers raises
interest in identifying preferences of particular segments.
One such segment is the Muslim consumer.
However, very limited information is available to
help assess the preferences of Muslim consumers
in the Atlanta goat-meat market.
This study focuses on the Muslim segment of actual
goat-meat consumers in the metro Atlanta area.
Contrary to earlier assertions, we hypothesize that
Muslims eat goat-meat for cultural reasons and not
for religious reasons. Furthermore, we assert that
Muslims are not a single homogenous niche group
and should not be treated as such in marketing. Thus
this study examines goat-meat consumption patterns
among Muslims in metropolitan Atlanta. Insights
gained in this study benefit meat-goat producers
and consumers in Georgia.